A Circular Process- Turkey's Struggle to Fit in the EU

~Hannah Miller, Class of 2012, International Studies

     Nicolas Sarkozy, president of France, stated last year that he would not, “tell French schoolchildren that the borders of Europe extend to Syria and Iraq.” Turkey is in “Asia Minor” he commented, and it is time to stop “lying” to Turks about their eventual accession [1]. Turkey’s accession negotiations with the European Union (EU) began in 2005 but have been less than fruitful. The wealth of cultural, economic and political differences coupled with many assumptions on each side have stalled talks and led to disagreements. Fundamentally, an EU that includes Turkey would require a stern re-evaluation of questions such as “What does it mean to be European?” and “Where does geographic Europe end?” Hypocrisy abounds on both sides of the negotiating table and ultimately prevents progress.

      Turkey historically aligned with Western nations during ancient times as part of the Roman and Greek empires and during the Cold War as a member of NATO. Unfortunately, EU nations feel that due to the ongoing turbulence in the Levant [2], Turkey’s borders with Syria and Iraq pose a security threat rather than an opportunity. This concern coupled with the assumption on behalf of the EU that Turkey might be used as a battering ram for US foreign policy interests creates an environment hostile to compromise.

     Turkey faces many obstacles to accession that must be addressed including a Kurdish population of over twelve million, human rights violations, military intervention in government, economic regulations, and the division of Cyprus between Greeks and Turks. Turkey enjoys a vibrant secular democracy, one of the few in Muslim nations. Although Turkey has acknowledged a willingness to enact necessary reforms, there exists an attitude among existing EU nations that Turkey plans on passing any legislation to join. Additionally, Turks are culturally stigmatized in Europe. This perspective stems from the recent influx of Muslim immigrants in EU nations that have been difficult for member countries to assimilate, thus raising the argument that Turkey as a majority Muslim country will not fit in with the EU or simply does not belong. Not only do Europeans fear an influx of Turkish immigrants, Turkey’s population size would merit an equal amount of seats (and subsequently bargaining power) in the European Parliament with Germany, France, the UK and Italy [3]. However, Turkey is a country too diverse culturally, demographically and geographically to fit into narrow assumptions. The country is home to over eleven recognized ethnic minorities that make up 25% of the total population and, located at the crossroads of Europe and the Middle East, Turkey has a unique role to play in European security concerns. Furthermore, cultural homogeneity is not a requirement for political union. The only common thread of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ (ASEAN) (an economically feasible collaboration like EU) members is geography; all speak different languages and have a wide range of ethnic groups and religions.    

     Although France has been the most vocal opponent of Turkey’s accession, suggesting that the best deal Turkey should expect is an economic partnership [4], Sarkozy’s opinions reflect those of Britain and Germany and have prompted Turkey to assume that negotiations are naught but a game that will reap few benefits. Ultimately Turkey needs Europe to fully modernize and to ensure political, social and economic stability. But Turkey’s EU integration would greatly benefit Europe economically. Currently 70% of agricultural exports from Turkey enter the EU tariff free [5], and this number would only increase upon integration. EU nations use economic data to argue that integration is not necessary for companies to gain more access to the Turkish market and increase foreign direct investment. But although Turkey faces structural issues within the economy, beginning negotiations signal that Turkey is willing to open up sheltered markets, able to restructure, and advocating a free trade approach [6]. A stronger market can be gained for both parties through integration, but complacency and assumptions of a perpetual status quo stall progress.

     Frustration on Turkey’s part is understandable. The first attempt at negotiations was in 1987, and few experts are hopeful of seeing tangible results within the next decade. Since the commencement of negotiations, Baltic statessuch as Estonia with less advanced economies and less educated workers have integrated. Especially under the Justice and Development Party, Turkey took strides to increase environmental regulation, reform the penal code, welcome human rights NGOs, and increase business group advocacy [7]. After enacting such reforms mandated by the EU fail to be accompanied by substantial progress in negotiations, one can sympathize with Turkish assumptions that talks are pointless and EU integration is an impossibility. At this moment Turkey has only completed one of the thirty-five stages necessary for accession as set down by the European Union.

     Although negotiations are fraught with obstacles and assumptions are rampant on both sides, there is hope that integration can eventually occur. Demographic shifts in Europe will force EU nations to confront their changing identity. Nicolas Sarkozy will not always be president and spokesperson of the opposition. And Turkey’s gradual reforms will pay off by creating a more liberal state with protected civil liberties. Turkey will continue to gain credibility within the EU for taking strong foreign policy stances, as it did by refusing to allow US troops to use Turkey as a base for operations in Iraq. Turkey must be patient and largely cooperative. Although bending to every whim of the EU is unnecessary if it compromises national identity, it is important to display willingness to reform by taking initiative on controversial issues such as Cyprus, economic restructuring and the Kurdish minority.

1.   “Charlemagne: Turkey’s Circular Worries.” The Economist. http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=14363116 (accessed October 14, 2009).
2. This region includes Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Israel, Lebanon and occasionally Cyprus and the Sinai Penninsula.
3. Grigoriadis, Ioannis N. Trials of Europeanization: Turkish Political Culture and the European Union. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), 181.
4. The EU also has economic partnerships with West African states and Caribbean nations, to name a few. All are based on reciprocity and free trade.
5. Josephs, Joseph S., editor. Turkey and the European Union: Internal Dynamics and External Challenges.(New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 16.
6. Ibid., 26.
7. Josephs, Joseph S., editor. Turkey and the European Union: Internal Dynamics and External Challenges.(New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 60.